What is the significance of paleolithic persistence

The largest set is No. Nonetheless, the number of refitted pieces per set is far fewer in general see Table 4.

From this evidence, handaxes might have been made with a relatively more attention than any other implements.

Beside the information of handaxe related pieces, most sets could have been made under less considerable time and energy; again, an expedient reduction strategy was dominant at JS. First, the suggested age of the SJ and JS sites is about 30 kya, when blades and associated toolkits had been already introduced to the Korean peninsula. Nevertheless, the simple technical systems observed at these sites indicate that non-predetermined tool forms prevailed.

These artifacts are not strongly diagnostic tool types and are not representative of any given temporal unit. They are minimally modified with little secondary retouch, and the working edges are irregular and overall poorly made. No objective data supporting refinement of shape are available, and thus it is impossible to support the hypothesis of progressive lithic complexity over time. Second, the pattern of acquisition of raw material at these sites indicates minimal preparation.

Most of the tools were made of locally available coarse grained rocks. Since the implements were made in a variety of expedient ways, selective pressure for intense resource exploitation does not seem to have been present. The shapes of the raw materials also do not strongly correspond to specific artifact types.

The patterns of use do not conform to "pebble tool tradition" in the strict sense [38] , because strong or pervasive preferences for pebble forms are not apparent. Third, implements suggested that pounding technology is more clearly observed. Although the perfect spheroids to be responsible to the ideal percussor are not examined at the sites, the relative gravity of the tools for pounding as opposed to the tools for cutting never diminished.

They also show non-preservation of cortical surfaces with developing round shapes through battering. At the two sites, large amounts of seemingly pounding related types of implements have been found.

These seem to have served as substitutes for pounding activities. Normally, polyhedrons and sub-spheroids are regarded as exhausted cores from flake manufacture [59] , [60] ; hence, it cannot be directly linked to the pounding activities. Nonetheless, they cannot be counted as cutting tools [61]. As a result, tools for cutting, not pounding, are becoming more marginal. This evidence suggests that pounding activities were conducted routinely at these sites. Fourth, as parts of simple tool assemblages, the persistence of bifaces is also considered.

The poor manufacture of the bifaces from SJ and JS have produced strong doubt about their authenticity. However, the presence of some rather refined bifaces from not the Middle but the Late Pleistocene sites Figure 7 seems to indicate a new directional thought. Although complete metric data for Late Pleistocene Korean bifaces are not yet available, many of them from various sites are expediently made and are attributed to atypical or non-classic types.

At the same time, more or less symmetrically made refined forms are also found from roughly coeval sites along with SJ and JS. The bifaces from Korea have recently been reevaluated, and their interpretations have focused not on their presence and absence [62] but on qualitative and quantitative comparisons with African and Eurasian Acheulean handaxes [54] , [55] , [63] , [64]. Further, it is normally claimed that Korean bifaces do not always share the characteristic features of bifaces from the west of the Movius Line.

Nevertheless the existence of artifacts with affinity to Mode 1 alongside handaxes is an interesting feature which needs to be further explored. Samri [74] , 2. Sachang [47] , 3.

Pyoungreungdong [75]. Last, the distinction between large cutting tool and small tool traditions should be reexamined. Such tool size distributions seem to depend on the availability of suitable raw material size and shape [65] , so this might not be relevant with the distinctive organization of lithic technology. Since the data from SJ and JS do not show significantly small or large tools, they cannot be assigned to these two traditions.

Indeed, if a certain preference for size or pattern is observed, it may be due to situational factors that may re-occur under similar conditions [66]. For the last several decades, the general concept of East Asian lithic variation has traditionally been summarized as a handaxe tradition in the west and a chopper-chopping tool tradition in the east [67] , [68]. In addition to the overall geographical framework, the nature of temporal changes in technological and typological variation has been debated recently.

The question of the Middle Paleolithic validity in East Asia, including Korea [3] , [5] , is addressed in the context of the preferred twofold cultural period model, which includes data from the Early Paleolithic simple forms such as choppers and bifaces and that of the Late Paleolithic refined blade and microblade forms due to the absence of any distinctive Mode 3 technocomplex elements [1] , [5].

The conventionally synthesized western cultural chronological model has been challenged by regionally specific geographical and temporal frameworks. The scale of lithic variation comprised by the conventional technological modes does not support the hypothesis of continuous cultural evolution [10] , [69]. Instead of a continuum of variation in a unilinear evolutionary model, recursive behavior changes [10] , [70] , [71] under recurrent contextual situations [66] better explain the unique differences from western patterns observed in eastern assemblages.

The accumulated Paleolithic data for Korea is mature enough to provide this alternative perspective against from the traditional model of cultural transition. The last 10 years of data for the Korean Late Paleolithic largely indicate that two separate technocomplexes simple reduction sequences for producing crude core tools and more complex reduction sequences for producing blades and microblades are equally important, because the parallel existence of the two technocomplexes is a better explanation than the succession of one after the other [11].

The appearance of blade technology seems to take place the end of MIS 3. However, earlier simple toolkits were not completely replaced newer tool forms, but persisted after the introduction of blade assemblages [3]. Because blades are considered to be significant cultural and chronological markers, blade-bearing sites are naturally highlighted.

However, attention must be turned to the other end in order to clarify late human behavior in Korea. Hwadaeri and Hopyeongdong are known as the sites for representative of successive technocomplex shift from simple to complex lithic reduction [3].

Hwadaeri shows the three stratified cultural deposits were dated by AMS and OSL and show from non-blade to blade related toolkits. Cultural layer 3 39 kya by OSL yielded simple choppers, polyhedrons, and crudely made flake tools, whereas the upper layers at the site correspond to cultural layer 2 about 31 kya by non-calibrated AMS and 30 kya by OSL and cultural layer 1 22 kya by OSL yield blades and tanged points [8].

Hopyeongdong yields blades and microblades from a stratified series of Late Pleistocene deposits [7]. Extensive geological and chronological studies at this site revealed two cultural layers that show a technological shift from blades the oldest date about 30 kya by non-calibrated AMS to microblades the oldest date about 24 kya by non-calibrated AMS Figure 2.

Taking the evidence from the two sites of Hwadaeri and Hopyeongdong, successive technocomplex changes from the simple to the refined, as well as more refined tool forms, are observed. However, a majority of the tools from both sites are not blades or microblades. The proportions of blades are consistently low throughout the Korean Late Paleolithic sites [1].

Blades never have formed a large percentage of the assemblage at any Korean site, and a majority of tool types are simple tools. Evidence of bladelet production is relatively sparse, and true prismatic blade technology is rarely observed during 30 kya. In addition, simple core tool assemblages occur independently and continuously at many sites during the blade and even microblade periods. The sites of Jangdong cultural layer 2, the date about 30 kya and 34 kya by non-calibrated AMS , Suheolri cultural layer 2, circa 30 kya by OSL , and Dongbaekli-Joongli cultural layer 2, the oldest one about 31 kya by non-calibrated AMS yielded only simple Mode 1 affinity artifacts with no other higher complex tool forms observed [20] , [72] , [73] Figure 2.

Simple stone flaking should be equally highlighted during the early stages of the Late Paleolithic in Korea. However, the simple and static nature of the lithic record may not be culturally meaningful under a predetermined trajectory, but can be regarded as a versatile technological strategy specific to environmental conditions with very recursive behavior [10].

The predominance of simple tools might indicate the spontaneous and improvised raw material exploitation pattern. And the variation in sizes of finished forms and the large number of non-cutting tools suggest highly situational lithic reduction strategies. More importantly, this lithic system was not unsuccessful. Paleolithic data around 30 kya indicate that this system was not saltationally replaced by blade-related tools that require considerable skill to fabricate. To summarize the lithic variation observed at SJ and JS during the early Late Paleolithic in Korea: blades are present, but the persistence of simply made core and flake toolkits is an integral part of the Late Paleolithic Korean assemblages.

There are growing numbers of simple core and flake tool assemblages known from Korea, which are comprised mainly of Mode 1, such as the technocomplex toolkits, with a minority of Mode 2 like assemblages. The chronological distributional pattern of the assemblages on Figure 2 consists of artifacts found in stratigraphic contexts and associated with relative and absolute dates. These data highlight the dominant feature of simple reduction strategies until the early Korean Late Paleolithic.

The technological attributes from SJ and JS share the traits of many other Korean sites possessing Mode 1 and diminutive Mode 2 features. So far, data indicate that Mode 4 technocomplex was not a very strong technological breakthrough, across the Korean peninsula. The prevailing conservatism without any clear signs of divergence between Mode 1 and 2 industries is an important parameter in this context as well, and the evidence from SJ and JS will contribute to an understanding of this debate.

However, several problems remain to be overcome. Efforts should be made to find more high resolution archaeological sites and more secure chronometric ages to improve the analysis proposed here.

Although the persistence of simple toolkits in Korea is observed, this archaeological pattern has not been fully explained yet, but this must be addressed in the future. I also want to express my thanks to Professor Robin Dennell Sheffield University, UK for important comments and suggestions of the original manuscript. Any errors that may remain are solely my responsibility. Conceived and designed the experiments: HWL. Performed the experiments: HWL. Analyzed the data: HWL.

Wrote the paper: HWL. Browse Subject Areas? Click through the PLOS taxonomy to find articles in your field. Introduction There is growing evidence of simple core and flake tools in the Late Paleolithic of South Korea see Figure 1 and 2. Download: PPT. Figure 1. Locations of South Korean Paleolithic sites mentioned in the text.

Materials and Methods Figure 3. Schematic stratigraphic sequence based on Trench 2 at SJ. SJ, lithic assemblage The frequencies of each tool type are described in Table 1. JS, Chronology The site of JS has about 6 meters of stratified deposits and is comprised of 19 stratigraphic units including the uppermost layer Figure 5. Figure 5. Schematic stratigraphic sequence based on Trench 1 at JS. Table 4. Summary of individual refitting pieces from cultural layer 1, JS.

Figure 7. Examples of the Late Pleistocene bifacially worked core tools in Korea. Conclusion To summarize the lithic variation observed at SJ and JS during the early Late Paleolithic in Korea: blades are present, but the persistence of simply made core and flake toolkits is an integral part of the Late Paleolithic Korean assemblages. References 1. Seong C Emergence of a blade industry and evolution of late Paleolithic technology in the Republic of Korea.

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Th ese climate related change s in subsistence pattern began even earlier in Southwest Asia and other relatively warm and dry regions. Spear thrower The Cro-Magnon people increased their food supply by developing coordinated group hunting techniques for the killing of large herd animals, especially in the river valleys of Western Europe and the plains of Central and Eastern Europe.

They also developed new specialized hunting weapons. The art of spear hunting was revolutionized by the invention of the spear thrower or atlatl about 17,, years ago. This was a wood or bone rod with a hook on one end that fit into a socket at the base of a spear.

This device was used as an aid in throwing spears. It increased the range and force of impact of projectiles by essentially increasing the length of the spear thrower's arm.

The net effect was that hunters did not need to get as close to prey before throwing their spears. Toggle-head harpoons were invented about this time as well. The bow and arrow were invented by 12, years ago or a bit earlier. This further increased the range of projectiles.

The fact that these weapon systems were developed toward the end of the last ice age is probably not a coincidence. They were technological solutions for the growing difficulty of acquiring meat. Note: Spear throwers may have been made as early as 25, years ago in North Africa. Whether the European Cro-Magnon people independently invented this technology later or acquired it from North Africa is not known.

The basis of many Upper Paleolithic stone tool forms was the blade flake. This is a thin, roughly parallel-sided flake that is at least twice as long as it is wide. The cross-section is usually either triangular or trapezoidal.

They were made out of brittle - breaking rock materials such as flint , chert , and obsidian. Blade flakes were preforms for the manufacture of many different kinds of tools , such as knives, hide scrapers, spear tips, drills, awls, burins, etc. Blade flakes were nearly standardized shapes that were struck off assembly line fashion from a prepared core usually by punch flaking.

This method uses indirect percussion to better control the direction and force of the shock wave entering a core. This facilitated the repeated production of long, delicate flakes. Blades were struck off around a prepared core like the careful unwinding and sectioning of a roll of paper.

It is possible to knock off blade flakes with direct percussion using a hammerstone rather than a punch, but it is more difficult.

Blade flakes and the "spent" core from which they came Tools made from blade flakes were far more efficient than core and flake tools made by earlier peoples when compared in terms of maximizing the use of precious brittle-flaking rock materials.

This increased efficiency can be measured roughly in terms of the amount of cutting edge that can be produced from the same amount of stone. It is now known that knowledge of how to make blade flakes preceded the Upper Paleolithic tool traditions.

However, it was not until the late ice age cultures of the Cro-Magnon people and some of their contemporaries outside of Europe that long, thin, delicate blade flakes were commonly produced and used. Upper Paleolithic tool makers also frequently employed a further refinement in working with stone. After preliminary shaping by percussion flaking, they often finished a tool with pressure flaking.

They literally pushed off the edge flakes with the tip of a deer antler in the final shaping and thinning process. This resulted in small, regular flake scars and much greater control in determining the shape of the final product. Pressure flaking was also used to retouch, or sharpen, thin edges of spear tips and knives. Pressure flaking apparently was first used during the Middle Paleolithic in Africa around 75, years ago.

During the Upper Paleolithic, we see the first abundant evidence of tools for making other tools. Such things as narrow gouging chisels, known as burins , were used to make and shape a host of other implements out of bone, antler , and ivory. Additional tools were created for the purpose of working on other implements such as pressure flakers, punches , and spear shaft straighteners. The Upper Paleolithic also saw a heavy dependence on compound tools , such as intentionally detachable harpoon points and interchangeable spear foreshafts of hard wood attached to spears.

Compound tools have the advantage that they can be repaired. When one part breaks, it can be replaced rather than replacing the entire tool. Burin made from a blade flake Ornamentally carved spear shaft straightener made of bone from La Madeleine Rock S helter, France late Magdalenian Tool Tradition, b. Compound tools and tools designed to work on other implements are not just new kinds of tools but rather new kinds of tool-using principles.

This was a giant intellectual leap forward. It also extended the range of raw materials that could be used for tool making. Bone and antler especially came into more common use. They had been used occasionally in the earlier Mousterian t ool t radition, but were only modified clumsily by hammering, scraping, and burning.

Among the Cro-Magnon people, bone and antler progressively replaced wood and stone for many functions. Dense b one and antler are more durable than wood and more flexible than stone so they do not break as easily and yet can be used to make relatively sharp cutting edges and penetrating projectile points.

The amount of time that they are still usable can be extended by resharpening by abrading with rock when they become dull. These materials were now being employed to make long thin knives, awls, sewing needles, clothing fasteners, harpoons with barbs, and many other useful implements.

One result was that tailored clothing and tents were easier to make. The first known sewing needle came from southwestern France and dates to about 25, years ago.

Residues of animal skin pants, shirts, and shoes have been found in a 22, year old Cro-Magnon grave near Moscow in Russia. Wild flax fibers from 34, year old thread or twine have been found at a cave site in the Republic of Georgia.

The fibers were twisted, suggesting that they had been used to make thread, string, or rope. Thread could have been used to sew leather pieces together. Thicker twine or rope could have been used to tie things together and make carrying easier. European Upper Paleolithic Art. The Cro-Magnon people of Europe regularly decorated their tools and sculpted small pieces of stone, bone, antler, and ivory. Necklaces, bracelets, and decorative pendants were made of bones, teeth, and shells.

Cave walls were often painted with naturalistic scenes of animals. Clay was also modeled occasionally. From our culture's perspective, these symbolic and naturalistic representations would be referred to as art. However, that is an ethnocentric projection. For the Cro-Magnon who made this art, it was very likely thought of as being something different, or at least much more, than we think of as art or ornamentation. Upper Paleolithic European representational art began by 40 , years ago and became intense 15,, years ago.

Perhaps, the most prominent portable art was in the form that has become known as Venus figurines. These are sculptures of women. They are not portraits but rather faceless idealized representations of well fed, healthy, usually pregnant nude women with exceptionally large buttocks and breasts.

Because of these exaggerated sexual characteristics, they are thought by most paleoanthropologists to be ritual objects symbolizing female fertility. Many of these stylized carvings are reminiscent of modern abstract art. Venus figurines were made from around 35 , years ago down to the end of the last ice age 10, years ago. They have been found from Western Europe all of the way to Siberia.

Most were small enough in size to be easily hand held. The Venus of Laussel shown below on the right is a rare exception. L ion-man hybrid from Hohle Fels, Germany Many small carvings have been found that depict animals and people, including men. There are carvings of human penises as well. Carved bear teeth from Duruthy Cave, France The Cro-Magnon people are, perhaps, most well known for their paintings on the walls of caves.

Although, this cave art is most abundant in S outhwest France and N orthern Spain, it was made elsewhere by other early modern humans as well. With cave art, we see the first large scale, concrete symbols of human thoughts, feelings, and perhaps even beliefs about the supernatural. Over Western European caves have been found with these ice age paintings on their walls. Most of this cave art was made deep inside caves, in hard to get to dark areas.

It is assumed that because of the locations, these areas were very likely sacred or special in some sense and that the art was inspired by concerns with the supernatural. The majority of the figures are realistic looking herd animals, many of which are shown either wounded or pregnant.

A number of paleoanthropologists have suggested that the artists were most likely performing sympathetic or imitative hunting and fertility magic. This would have been particularly important when this art was at its peak in sophistication 15,, years ago because at that time the last ice age was winding down and the herds of game animals were dying out or moving away to the north.

Some of the animals depicted in the caves were predators , such as cave bears and lions, rather than prey. Drawing and painting them may have been a way of obtaining protection from these dangerous creatures or even a way of taking on their ferociousness and skill to increase human hunting success. Because of the subjects being depicted, it has been suggested that this cave art was the focus of men and, subsequently, was produced by male artists.

In contrast, the Venus figurines suggest predominantly female interests. However, because we know so little about the living cultures of the Cro-Magnon people, we must always be careful in interpreting their art. We may not be grasping the intended function and meaning. Human representations are rare among European cave paintings. Those that do exist usually are simple stick figures of men hunting. They often are shown with erect penises as shown in the photo below.

There are also several depictions of bearded adult male heads. One is life size. There have also been found geometric patterns in some of the caves that have been interpreted as female genitalia. Painted h uman stick figure i n Lascaux Cave , France Note the spear through the bison and its intestines hanging out. Two spear throwers are also shown next to the recumbent man who presumably has been gored and is dead, despite his erect penis.

Some of t he European cave art seems to have been associated with ceremonies. These ceremonies may have been accompanied by music. The areas of the caves in which paintings were made and used often have good acoustical qualities. Drumsticks, flutes, and bull-roarers were found near the paintings in Lascaux Cave. The art very likely reflects the Cro-Magnon world view.

Some researchers have suggested that they were, in part, depicting their spirit world.